Some
think that Felix was turned out, and Festus succeeded him, quickly after
Paul's imprisonment, and that the two years mentioned in the close of the
foregoing chapter are to be reckoned from the beginning of Nero's reign; but
it seems more natural to compute them from Paul's being delivered into the
hands of Felix. However, we have here much the same management of Paul's
case as we had in the foregoing chapter; cognizance is here taken of it, I.
By Festus the governor; it is brought before him by the Jews, ver. 1-3. The
hearing of it is appointed to be, not at
Jerusalem, as the Jews desired, out at Cæsarea, ver.
4-6. The Jews appear against Paul and accuse him (ver. 7), but he stands
upon his own innocency (ver. 8); and to avoid the removing of the cause to
Jerusalem, to which he was pressed to consent, he at length appeals to Cæsar,
ver. 9-12. II. By king Agrippa, to whom Festus relates his case (ver.
13-21), and Agrippa desires he might have the hearing of it himself, ver.
22. The court is accordingly set, and Paul brought to the bar (ver. 23), and
Festus opens the cause (ver. 24-27), to introduce Paul's defence in the next
chapter.
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Paul
Arraigned before Festus; Paul's Fourth Defence; Paul Appeals to Cæsar.
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1 Now when Festus was come into the province,
after three days he ascended from Cæsarea to Jerusalem. 2 Then
the high priest and the chief of the Jews informed him against Paul, and
besought him, 3 And desired favour against him, that he would
send for him to Jerusalem, laying wait in the way to kill him. 4
But Festus answered, that Paul should be kept at Cæsarea, and that he
himself would depart shortly thither. 5 Let them
therefore, said he, which among you are able, go down with me, and
accuse this man, if there be any wickedness in him. 6 And when
he had tarried among them more than ten days, he went down unto Cæsarea;
and the next day sitting on the judgment seat commanded Paul to be
brought. 7 And when he was come, the Jews which came down from
Jerusalem stood round about, and laid many and grievous complaints against
Paul, which they could not prove. 8 While he answered for
himself, Neither against the law of the Jews, neither against the temple,
nor yet against Cæsar, have I offended any thing at all. 9 But
Festus, willing to do the Jews a pleasure, answered Paul, and said, Wilt
thou go up to Jerusalem, and there be judged of these things before
me? 10 Then said Paul, I stand at Cæsar's judgment seat, where
I ought to be judged: to the Jews have I done no wrong, as thou very well
knowest. 11 For if I be an offender, or have committed any thing
worthy of death, I refuse not to die: but if there be none of these things
whereof these accuse me, no man may deliver me unto them. I appeal unto Cæsar.
12 Then Festus, when he had conferred with the council, answered, Hast thou
appealed unto Cæsar? unto Cæsar shalt thou go.
We commonly say, "New lords, new laws, new customs;" but here was
a new governor, and yet Paul had the same treatment from him that he had
from the former, and no better. Festus, like Felix, is not so just to him as
he should have been, for he does not release him; and yet not so unjust to
him as the Jews would have had him to be, for he will not condemn him to
die, nor expose him to their rage. Here is,
I. The pressing application which the high priest and other Jews used with
the governor to persuade him to abandon Paul; for to send him to Jerusalem
was in effect to abandon him. 1. See how speedy they were in their
applications to Festus concerning Paul. As soon as ever he had come into
the province, and had taken possession of the government, into which,
probably, he was installed at Cæsarea, within three days he went up to
Jerusalem, to show himself there, and presently the priests were upon
him to proceed against Paul. He staid three days at Cæsarea, where
Paul was a prisoner, and we do not find that in that time Paul made any
application to him to release him, though, no doubt, he could have made good
friends, that he might hope to have prevailed by; but as soon as ever he
comes up to Jerusalem the priests are in all haste to make an interest with
him against Paul. See how restless a thing malice is. Paul more patiently
bears the lengthening out of his imprisonment than his enemies do the delay
of his prosecution even to the death. 2. See how spiteful they were in their
application. They informed the governor against Paul (v. 2)
before he was brought upon a fair trial, that so they might, if possible,
prejudge the cause with the governor, and make him a party who was to be the
judge. But this artifice, though base enough, they could not confide in; for
the governor would be sure to hear him himself, and then all their
informations against him would fall to the ground; and therefore they form
another project much more base, and that is to assassinate Paul before he
came upon his trial. These inhuman hellish methods, which all the world
profess at least to abhor, have these persecutors recourse to, to gratify
their malice against the gospel of Christ, and this too under colour of zeal
for Moses. Tantum religio potuit suadere malorum--Such was their dire
religious zeal. 3. See how specious the pretence was. Now that the
governor was himself at Jerusalem they desired he would send for Paul
thither, and try him there, which would save the prosecutors a great
deal of labour, and looked most reasonable, because he was charged with
having profaned the temple at Jerusalem, and it is usual for criminals to be
tried in the court where the fact was committed; but that which they
designed was to way-lay him as he was brought up, and to murder him upon the
road, supposing that he would not be brought up under so strong a guard as
he was sent down with, or that the officers that were to bring him up might
be bribed to give them an opportunity for their wickedness. It is said, They
desired favour against Paul. The business of prosecutors is to demand
justice against one that they suppose to be a criminal, and, if he be not
proved so, it is as much justice to acquit him as it is to condemn him if he
be. But to desire favour against a prisoner, and from the judge too, who
ought to be of counsel for him, is a very impudent thing. The favour ought
to be for the prisoner, in favorem vitæ--to favour his life, but
here they desire it against him. They will take it as a favour if the
governor will but condemn Paul, though they can prove no crime upon him.
II. The governor's resolution that Paul shall take his trial at Cæsarea,
where he now is, v. 4, 5. See how he manages the prosecutors. 1. He
will not do them the kindness to send for him to Jerusalem; no, he gave
orders that Paul should be kept at Cæsarea. It does not appear that
he had any suspicion, much less any certain information, of their bloody
design to murder him by the way, as the chief priests had when he sent him
to Cæsarea (ch. xxiii. 30); but perhaps he was not willing so far to
oblige the high priest and his party, or he would maintain the honour of his
court at Cæsarea and require their attendance there, or he was not willing
to be at the trouble or charge of bringing Paul up; whatever was his reason
for refusing it, God made use of it as a means of preserving Paul out of the
hands of his enemies. Perhaps now they were more careful to keep their
conspiracy secret than they had been before, that the discovery of it might
not be now, as it was then, the defeat of it. But though God does not, as
then, bring it to light, yet he finds another way, as effectual, to bring it
to nought, by inclining the heart of the governor, for some other reasons,
not to remove Paul to Jerusalem. God is not tied to one method, in working
out salvation for his people. He can suffer the designs against them to be
concealed, and yet not suffer them to be accomplished; and can make even the
carnal policies of great men to serve his gracious purposes. 2. Yet he will
do them the justice to hear what they have to say against Paul, if they will
go down to Cæsarea, and appear against him there: "Let those among
you who are able, able in body and purse for such a journey, or able in
mind and tongue to manage the prosecution--let those among you who
are fit to be managers, go down with me, and accuse this man; or,
those who are competent witnesses, who are able to prove any thing criminal
upon him, let them go and give in their evidence, if there be any such
wickedness in him as you charge upon him." Festus will not take it for
granted, as they desire he should, that there is wickedness in him, till it
is proved upon him, and he has been heard in his own defence; but, if he be
guilty, it lies upon them to prove him so.
III. Paul's trial before Festus. Festus staid at Jerusalem about ten
days, and then went down to Cæsarea, and the prosecutors, it is
likely, in his retinue; for he said they should go down with him;
and, since they are so eager in the prosecution, he is willing this cause
should be first called; and, that they may hasten home, he will despatch it the
next day. Expedition in administering justice is very commendable,
provided more haste be not made than good speed. Now here we have, 1. The
court set, and the prisoner called to the bar. Festus sat in the
judgment-seat, as he used to do when any cause was brought before him
that was of consequence, and he commanded Paul to be brought, and to
make his appearance, v. 6. Christ, to encourage his disciples and
keep up their spirits under such awful trials of their courage as this was
to Paul, promised them that the day should come when they should sit on
thrones, judging the tribes of Israel. 2. The prosecutors exhibiting
their charges against the prisoner (v. 7): The Jews stood round
about, which intimates that they were many. Lord, how are they
increased that trouble me! It intimates also that they were unanimous,
they stood by one another, and resolved to hold together; and that they were
intent upon the prosecution, and eager in clamouring against Paul. They stood
round about, if possible, to frighten the judge into a compliance with
their malicious design, or, at least, to frighten the prisoner, and to put
him out of countenance; but in vain: he had too just and strong an assurance
to be frightened by them. They compassed me about like bees, but they are
quenched as the fire of thorns, Ps. cxviii. 12. When they stood round
about him, they brought many and grievous accusations against Paul, so
it should be read. They charged him with high crimes and misdemeanors. The
articles of impeachment were many, and contained things of a very heinous
nature. They represented him to the court as black and odious as their wit
and malice could contrive; but when they had opened the cause as they
thought fit, and came to the evidence, there they failed: they could not
prove what they alleged against him, for it was all false, and the
complaints were groundless and unjust. Either the fact was not as they
opened it, or there was no fault in it; they laid to his charge things
that he knew not, nor they neither. It is no new thing for the most
excellent ones of the earth to have all manner of evil said against them
falsely, not only in the song of the drunkards, and upon the seat
of the scornful, but even before the judgment-seat. 3. The
prisoner's insisting upon his own vindication, v. 8. Whoever
reproaches him, his own heart does not, and therefore his own tongue shall
not; though he die, he will not remove his integrity from him. When
it came to his turn to speak for himself, he insisted upon his
general plea, Not guilty: Neither against the law of the Jews, nor
against the temple, nor yet against Cæsar, have I offended any thing at
all. (1.) He had not violated the law of the Jews, nor taught any
doctrine destructive of it. Did he make void the law by faith? No, he
established the law. Preaching Christ, the end of the law, was no
offence against the law. (2.) He had not profaned the temple, nor put any
contempt at all upon the temple-service; his helping to set up the gospel
temple did not at all offend against that temple which was a type of it.
(3.) He had not offended against Cæsar, nor his government. By this it
appears that now his cause being brought before the government, to curry
favour with the governor and that they might seem friends to Cæsar, they
had charged him with some instances of disaffection to the present higher
powers, which obliged him to purge himself as to that matter, and to protest
that he was no enemy to Cæsar, not so much as those were who charged him
with being so.
IV. Paul's appeal to the emperor, and the occasion of it. This gave the
cause a new turn. Whether he had before designed it, or whether it was a
sudden resolve upon the present provocation, does not appear; but God puts
it into his heart to do it, for the bringing about of that which he had said
to him, that he must bear witness to Christ at Rome, for there the
emperor's court was, ch. xxiii. 11. We have here,
1. The proposal which Festus made to Paul to go and take his trial at
Jerusalem, v. 9. Festus was willing to do the Jews a
pleasure, inclined to gratify the prosecutors rather than the prisoner,
as far as he could go with safety against one that was a citizen of Rome,
and therefore asked him whether he would be willing to go up to Jerusalem,
and clear himself there, where he had been accused, and where he might have
his witnesses ready to vouch for him and confirm what he said. He would not
offer to turn him over to the high priest and the sanhedrim, as the Jews
would have had him; but, Wilt thou go thither, and be judged of these
things before me? The president, if he had pleased, might have ordered
him thither, but he would not do it without his own consent, which, if he
could have wheedled him to give it, would have taken off the odium of it. In
suffering times, the prudence of the Lord's people is tried as well as their
patience; being sent forth therefore as sheep in the midst of wolves, they
have need to be wise as serpents.
2. Paul's refusal to consent to it, and his reasons for it. He knew, if he
were removed to Jerusalem, notwithstanding the utmost vigilance of the
president, the Jews would find some means or other to be the death of him;
and therefore desires to be excused, and pleads, (1.) That, as a citizen of
Rome, it was most proper for him to be tried, not only by the president, but
in that which was properly his court, which sat at Cæsarea: I stand at Cæsar's
judgment-seat, where I ought to be judged, in the city which is the
metropolis of the province. The court being held in Cæsar's name, and by
his authority and commission, before one that was delegated by him, it might
well be said to be his judgment seat, as, with us, all writs run in the name
of the sovereign, in whose name all courts are held. Paul's owning that he
ought to be judged at Cæsar's judgment-seat plainly proves that Christ's
ministers are not exempted from the jurisdiction of the civil powers, but
ought to be subject to them, as far as they can with a good conscience; and,
if they be guilty of a real crime, to submit to their censure; if innocent,
yet to submit to their enquiry, and to clear themselves before them. (2.)
That, as a member of the Jewish nation, he had done nothing to make himself
obnoxious to them: To the Jews have I done no wrong, as thou very well
knowest. It very well becomes those that are innocent to plead their
innocency, and to insist upon it; it is a debt we owe to our own good name,
not only not to bear false witness against ourselves, but to maintain our
own integrity against those who bear false witness against us. (3.) That he
was willing to abide by the rules of the law, and to let that take its
course, v. 11. If he be guilty of any capital crime that deserves
death, he will not offer either to make resistance or to make his escape,
will neither flee from justice nor fight with it: "I refuse not to die,
but will accept of the punishment of my iniquity." Not that all who
have committed any thing worthy of death are obliged to accuse themselves,
and offer themselves to justice; but, when they are accused and brought to
justice, they ought to submit, and to say both God and the government are
righteous; as it is necessary that some should be made examples. But, if he
be innocent, as he protests he is, "If there be none of these things
whereof these accuse me,--if the prosecution be malicious and they are
resolved to have my blood right or wrong,--no man may deliver me unto
them, no, not the governor himself, without palpable injustice; for it
is his business as much to protect the innocent as to punish the
guilty;" and he claims his protection.
3. His appealing to court. Since he is continually in danger of the Jews,
and one attempt made after another to get him into their hands, whose
tender mercies were cruel, he flies to the dernier resort--the last
refuge of oppressed innocency, and takes sanctuary there, since he
cannot have justice done him in any other way: "I appeal unto Cæsar.
Rather than be delivered to the Jews" (which Festus seems inclined to
consent to) "let me be delivered to Nero." When David had divers
times narrowly escaped the rage of Saul, and concluded he was such a
restless enemy that he should one day perish by his hands, he came to
this resolution, being in a manner compelled to it, There is nothing
better for me than to take shelter in the land of the Philistines, 1
Sam. xxvii. 1. So Paul here. But it is a hard case that a son of Abraham
must be forced to appeal to a Philistine, to a Nero, from those who call
themselves the seed of Abraham, and shall be safer in Gath or Rome than in
Jerusalem. How is the faithful city become a harlot!
V. The judgment given upon the whole matter. Paul is neither released nor
condemned. His enemies hoped the cause would be ended in his death; his
friends hoped it would be ended in his deliverance; but it proved neither so
nor so, they are both disappointed, the thing is left as it was. It is an
instance of the slow steps which Providence sometimes takes, not bringing
things to an issue so soon as we expect, by which we are often made ashamed
both of our hopes and of our fears, and are kept still waiting on God. The
cause had before been adjourned to another time, now to another place, to
another court, that Paul's tribulation might work patience. 1. The
president takes advice upon the matter: He conferred with the council--meta
tou sumbouliou, not with the council of the Jews
(that is called sunedrion),
but with his own counsellors, who were always ready to assist the governor
with their advice. In multitude of counsellors there is safety; and
judges should consult both with themselves and others before they pass
sentence. 2. He determines to send him to Rome. Some think Paul meant not an
appeal to Cæsar's person, but only to his court, the sentence of which he
would abide by, rather than be remitted to the Jew's council, and that
Festus might have chosen whether he would have sent him to Rome, or, at
least, whether he would have joined issue with him upon the appeal. But it
should seem, by what Agrippa said (ch. xxvi. 32), that he might
have been set at liberty if he had not appealed to Cæsar--that, by the
course of the Roman law, a Roman citizen might appeal at any time to a
superior court, even to the supreme, as causes with us are removed by certiorari,
and criminals by habeas corpus, and as appeals are often made to the
house of peers. Festus, therefore, either of choice or of course, comes to
this resolution: Hast thou appealed unto Cæsar? Unto Cæsar thou shalt
go. He found there was something very extraordinary in the case, which
he was therefore afraid of giving judgment upon, either one way or other,
and the knowledge of which he thought would be an entertainment to the
emperor, and therefore he transmitted it to his cognizance. In our judgment
before God those that by justifying themselves appeal to the law, to the law
they shall go, and it will condemn them; but those that by repentance and
faith appeal to the gospel, to the gospel they shall go, and it will save
them.
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Agrippa's
Visit to Festus; Paul Arraigned before Agrippa.
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13 And after certain days king Agrippa and
Bernice came unto Cæsarea to salute Festus. 14 And when they
had been there many days, Festus declared Paul's cause unto the king,
saying, There is a certain man left in bonds by Felix: 15 About
whom, when I was at Jerusalem, the chief priests and the elders of the Jews
informed me, desiring to have judgment against him.
16 To whom I answered, It is not the manner of the Romans to deliver any man
to die, before that he which is accused have the accusers face to face, and
have licence to answer for himself concerning the crime laid against
him. 17 Therefore, when they were come hither, without any delay
on the morrow I sat on the judgment seat, and commanded the man to be
brought forth. 18 Against whom when the accusers stood up, they
brought none accusation of such things as I supposed: 19 But had
certain questions against him of their own superstition, and of one Jesus,
which was dead, whom Paul affirmed to be alive. 20 And because I
doubted of such manner of questions, I asked him whether he would go
to Jerusalem, and there be judged of these matters. 21 But when
Paul had appealed to be reserved unto the hearing of Augustus, I commanded
him to be kept till I might send him to Cæsar. 22 Then Agrippa
said unto Festus, I would also hear the man myself. To morrow, said he, thou
shalt hear him. 23 And on the morrow, when Agrippa was come, and
Bernice, with great pomp, and was entered into the place of hearing, with
the chief captains, and principal men of the city, at Festus' commandment
Paul was brought forth. 24 And Festus said, King Agrippa, and
all men which are here present with us, ye see this man, about whom all the
multitude of the Jews have dealt with me, both at Jerusalem, and also
here, crying that he ought not to live any longer. 25 But when I
found that he had committed nothing worthy of death, and that he himself
hath appealed to Augustus, I have determined to send him. 26 Of
whom I have no certain thing to write unto my lord. Wherefore I have brought
him forth before you, and specially before thee, O king Agrippa, that, after
examination had, I might have somewhat to write. 27 For it
seemeth to me unreasonable to send a prisoner, and not withal to signify the
crimes laid against him.
We have here the preparation that was made for another hearing of Paul
before King Agrippa, not in order to his giving judgment upon him, but in
order to his giving advice concerning him, or rather only to gratify his
curiosity. Christ had said, concerning his followers, that they should be
brought before governors and kings. In the former part of this chapter
Paul was brought before Festus the governor, here before Agrippa the king,
for a testimony to both. Here is,
I. The kind and friendly visit which king Agrippa made to Festus, now upon
his coming into the government in that province (v. 13): After
certain days, king Agrippa came to Cæsarea. Here is royal visit. Kings
usually think it enough to send their ambassadors to congratulate their
friends, but here was a king that came himself, that made the majesty of a
prince yield to the satisfaction of a friend; for personal converse is the
most pleasant among friends. Observe,
1. Who the visitants were. (1.) King Agrippa, the son of that Herod
(surnamed Agrippa) who killed James the apostle, and was himself
eaten of worms, and great grandson of Herod the Great, under whom Christ was
born. Josephus calls this Agrippa the younger; Claudius the emperor
made him king of Chalcis, and tetrarch of Trachonitis and Abylene,
mentioned Luke iii. 1. The Jewish writers speak of him, and (as Dr.
Lightfoot tells us) among other things relate this story of him, "That
reading the law publicly, in the latter end of the year of release, as was
enjoined, the king, when he came to those words (Deut. xvii. 15), Thou
shalt not set a stranger king over thee, who is not of thy brethren, the
tears ran down his cheeks, for he was not of the seed of Israel, which the
congregation observing, cried out, Be of good comfort, king Agrippa, thou
art our brother; for he was of their religion, though not of their
blood." (2.) Bernice came with him. She was his own sister, now a
widow, the widow of his uncle Herod, king of Chalcis, after whose death she
lived with this brother of hers, who was suspected to be too familiar with
her, and, after she was a second time married to Polemon king of Cilicia,
she got to be divorced from him, and returned to her brother king Agrippa.
Juvenal (Sat. 6) speaks of a diamond ring which Agrippa gave to
Bernice, his incestuous sister:--
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--------------Berenices
In digito factus pretiosior; hunc dedit olim
Barbarus incestæ, dedit hunc Agrippa sorori.
That far-famed gem which on the finger glow'd
Of Bernice (dearer thence), bestowed
By an incestuous brother.--GIFFORD.
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And both Tacitus and Suetonius speak of a criminal intimacy afterwards
between her and Titus Vespasian. Drusilla, the wife of Felix, was another
sister. Such lewd people were the great people generally in those times! Say
not that the former days were better.
2. What the design of this visit was: they came to salute Festus, to
give him joy of his new promotion, and to wish him joy in it; they came to
compliment him upon his accession to the government, and to keep up a good
correspondence with him, that Agrippa, who had the government of Galilee,
might act in concert with Festus, who had the government of Judea; but it is
probable they came as much to divert themselves as to show respect to him,
and to share in the entertainments of his court, and to show their fine
clothes, which would do vain people no good if they did not go abroad.
II. The account which Festus gave to king Agrippa of Paul and his case,
which he gave.
1. To entertain him, and give him some diversion. It was a very remarkable
story, and worth any man's hearing, not only as it was surprising and
entertaining, but, if it were truly and fully told, very instructive and
edifying; and it would be particularly acceptable to Agrippa, not only
because he was a judge, and there were some points of law and practice in it
well worth his notice, but much more as he was a Jew, and there were some
points of religion in it much more deserving his cognizance.
2. To have his advice. Festus was but newly come to be a judge, at
least to be a judge in these parts, and therefore was diffident of himself
and of his own ability, and willing to have the counsel of those that were
older and more experienced, especially in a matter that had so much
difficulty in it as Paul's case seemed to have, and therefore he declared it
to the king. Let us now see the particular account he gives to king Agrippa
concerning Paul, v. 14-21.
(1.) He found him a prisoner when he came into the government of this
province; and therefore could not of his own knowledge give an account of
his cause from the beginning: There is a certain man left in bonds by
Felix; and therefore, if there were any thing amiss in the first taking
of him into custody, Festus is not to answer for that, for he found him in
bonds. When Felix, to do the Jews a pleasure, left Paul bound, though
he knew him to be innocent, he knew not what he did, knew not but he might
fall into worse hands than he did fall into, though they were none of the
best.
(2.) That the Jewish sanhedrim were extremely set against him: "The chief
priests and the elders informed me against him as a dangerous man, and
not fit to live, and desired he might therefore be condemned to die."
These being great pretenders to religion, and therefore to be supposed men
of honour and honesty, Festus thinks he ought to give credit to them; but
Agrippa knows them better than he does, and therefore Festus desires his
advice in this matter.
(3.) That he had insisted upon the Roman law in favour of the prisoner, and
would not condemn him unheard (v. 16): "It is not the manner
of the Romans, who herein govern themselves by the law of nature and the
fundamental rules of justice, to deliver any man to die, to grant him
to destruction" (so the word is), "to gratify his enemies with his
destruction, before the accused has the accusers face to face, to
confront their testimony, and have both licence and time given him to answer
for himself." He seems to upbraid them as if they reflected upon the
Romans and their government in asking such a thing, or expecting that they
would condemn a man without trying him: "No," says he, "I
would have you to know, whatever you may allow of among yourselves, the
Romans allow not of such a piece of injustice among them." Audi et
alteram partem--Hear the other side, had become a proverb among them.
This rule we ought to be governed by in our private censures in common
conversation; we must not give men bad characters, nor condemn their words
and actions, till we have heard what is to be said in their vindication. See
John vii. 51.
(4.) That he had brought him upon his trial, according to the duty of his
place, v. 17. That he had been expeditious in it, and the prosecutors
had not reason to complain of his being dilatory, for as soon as ever
they had come (and we are sure they lost no time) without any delay,
on the morrow, he had brought on the cause. He had likewise tried him in
the most solemn manner: He sat on the judgment-seat, as they used to
do in weightier causes, while those that were of small moment they judged de
plano--upon even ground. He called a great court on purpose for the
trial of Paul, that the sentence might be definitive, and the cause ended.
(5.) That he was extremely disappointed in the charge they brought
against him (v. 18, 19): When the accusers stood up against him,
and opened their indictment, they brought no accusations of such things
as I supposed.
[1.] He supposed by the eagerness of their prosecution, and their urging it
thus upon the Roman governors one after another, First, That they had
something to accuse him of that was dangerous either to private property or
the public peace,--that they would undertake to prove him a robber, or a
murderer, or a rebel against the Roman power,--that he had been in arms to
head a sedition,--that if he were not that Egyptian who lately made an
uproar, and commanded a party of cut-throats, as the chief captain supposed
him to be, yet he was one of the same kidney. Such were the outcries against
the primitive Christians, so loud, so fierce, that the standers-by, who
judged of them by those outcries, could not but conclude them the worst of
men; and to represent them so was the design of that clamour, as it was
against our Saviour. Secondly, That they had something to accuse him
of that was cognizable in the Roman courts, and which the governor was
properly the judge of, as Gallio expected (ch. xviii. 14); otherwise
it was absurd and ridiculous to trouble him with it, and really an affront
to him.
[2.] But to his great surprise he finds the matter is neither so nor so;
they had certain questions against him, instead of proofs and
evidences against him. The worst they had to say against him was disputable
whether it was a crime or no-moot-points, that would bear an endless debate,
but had no tendency to fasten any guilt upon him, questions fitter for the
schools than for the judgment-seat. And they were questions of their own
superstition, so he calls their religion; or, rather, so he calls that
part of their religion which Paul was charged with doing damage to. The
Romans protected their religion according to their law, but not their
superstition, nor the tradition of their elders. But the great question, it
seems, was concerning one Jesus that was dead, whom Paul affirmed to be
alive. Some think the superstition he speaks of was the Christian
religion, which Paul preached, and that he had the same notion of it that
the Athenians had, that it was the introducing of a new demon, even Jesus.
See how slightly this Roman speaks of Christ, and of his death and
resurrection, and of the great controversy between the Jews and the
Christians whether he were the Messiah promised or no, and the great proof
of his being the Messiah, his resurrection from the dead, as if it were no
more than this, There was one Jesus that was dead, and Paul affirmed he was
alive. In many causes issue is joined upon this question, whether such a
person that has been long absent be living or dead, and proofs are brought
on both sides; and Festus will have it thought that this is a matter of no
more moment. Whereas this Jesus, whom he prides himself in being thus
ignorant of, as if he were below his notice, is he that was dead, and is
alive, and lives for evermore, and has the keys of hell and of death,
Rev. i. 18. What Paul affirmed concerning Jesus, that he is alive, is a
matter of such vast importance that if it be not true we are all undone.
(6.) That therefore he had proposed to Paul that the cause might be
adjourned to the Jewish courts, as best able to take cognizance of an affair
of this nature (v. 20): "Because I doubted of such manner of
questions, and thought myself unfit to judge of things I did not
understand, I asked him whether he would go to Jerusalem, appear
before the great sanhedrim, and there be judged of these matters."
He would not force him to it, but would be glad if Paul would consent to it,
that he might not have his conscience burdened with a cause of this nature.
(7.) That Paul had chosen rather to remove his cause to Rome than to
Jerusalem, as expecting fairer play from the emperor than from the priests:
"He appealed to be reserved to the hearing of Augustus (v.
21), having no other way to stop proceedings here in this inferior court;
and therefore I commanded him to be kept a close prisoner till I
might send him to Cæsar, for I did not see cause to refuse his appeal,
but rather was pleased with it."
III. The bringing of him before Agrippa, that he might have the hearing of
his cause.
1. The king desired it (v. 22): "I thank you for your account of
him, but I would also hear the man myself." Agrippa knows more
of this matter, of the cause and of the person, than Festus does; he has
heard of Paul, and knows of what vast concern this question is, which Festus
makes such a jest of, whether Jesus be alive or no. And nothing would oblige
him more than to hear Paul. Many great men think it below them to take
cognizance of the matters of religion, except they can hear them like
themselves in the judgment-seat. Agrippa would not for all the world have
gone to a meeting to hear Paul preach, any more than Herod to hear Jesus;
and yet they are both glad to have them brought before them, only to satisfy
their curiosity. Perhaps Agrippa desired to hear him himself, that he might
be in a capacity to do him a kindness, and yet did him none, only put some
credit upon him.
2. Festus granted it: To-morrow thou shalt hear him. There was a good
providence in this, for the encouragement of Paul, who seemed buried alive
in his imprisonment, and deprived of all opportunities of doing good. We
know not of any of his epistles that bore date from his prison at Cæsarea.
What opportunity he had of doing good to his friends that visited him, and
perhaps to a little congregation of them that visited him every Lord's-day,
was but a low and narrow sphere of usefulness, so that he seemed to be
thrown by as a despised broken vessel, in which there was no pleasure;
but this gives him an opportunity of preaching Christ to a great
congregation, and (which is more) to a congregation of great ones. Felix
heard him in private concerning the faith of Christ. But Agrippa and Festus
agree he shall be heard in public. And we have reason to think that his
sermon in the next chapter, though it might not be so instrumental as some
other of his sermons for the conversion of souls, redounded as much to the
honour of Christ and Christianity as any sermon he ever preached in his
life.
3. Great preparation was made for it (v. 23): The next day
there was a great appearance in the place of hearing, Paul and his
cause being much talked of, and the more for their being much talked
against.
(1.) Agrippa and Bernice took this opportunity to show themselves in state,
and to make a figure, and perhaps for that end desired the occasion, that
they might see and be seen; for they came with great pomp, richly
dressed, with gold and pearls, and costly array; with a great retinue of
footmen in rich liveries, which made a splendid show, and dazzled the eyes
of the gazing crowd. They came meta pollhV fantasiaV--with
great fancy, so the word is. Note, Great pomp is but great fancy. It
neither adds any read excellency, nor gains any real respect, but feeds a
vain humour, which wise men would rather mortify than gratify. It is but a
show, a dream, a fantastical thing (so the word signifies), superficial, and
it passeth away. And the pomp of this appearance would put one for
ever out of conceit with pomp, when the pomp which Agrippa and Bernice
appeared in was, [1.] Stained by their lewd characters, and all the beauty
of it sullied, and all virtuous people that knew them could not but contemn
them in the midst of all this pomp as vile persons, Ps. xv. 4. [2.] Outshone
by the real glory of the poor prisoner at the bar. What was the honour of
their fine clothes, compared with that of his wisdom, and grace, and
holiness, his courage and constancy in suffering for Christ! His bonds in so
good a cause were more glorious than their chains of gold, and his guards
than their equipage. Who would be fond of worldly pomp that here sees so bad
a woman loaded with it and so good a man loaded with the reverse of it?
(2.) The chief captains and principal men of the city took this opportunity
to pay their respects to Festus and to his guests. It answered the end of a
ball at court, it brought the fine folks together in their fine clothes, and
served for an entertainment. It is probable that Festus sent Paul notice of
it overnight, to be ready for a hearing the next morning before Agrippa. And
such confidence had Paul in the promise of Christ, that it should be given
him in that same hour what he should speak, that he complained not of
the short warning, nor was put into confusion by it. I am apt to think that
those who were to appear in pomp perplexed themselves more with care about
their clothes than Paul, who was to appear as a prisoner, did with care
about his cause; for he knew whom he had believed, and who stood by him.
IV. The speech with which Festus introduced the cause, when the court, or
rather the audience, was set, which is much to the same purport with the
account he had just now given to Agrippa. 1. He addressed himself
respectfully to the company: "King Agrippa, and all men who are here
present with us." He speaks to all the men--panteV
andreV, as if he intended a tacit reflection upon
Bernice, a woman, for appearing in a meeting of this nature; he does not
refer any thing to her judgment nor desire her counsel; but, "All
you that are present that are men (so the words are placed), I desire
you to take cognizance of this matter." The word used is that which
signifies men in distinction from women; what had Bernice to do here? 2. He
represents the prisoner as one that the Jews had a very great spite against;
not only the rulers, but the multitude of them, both at Jerusalem and
here at Cæsarea, cry out that he ought not to live any longer,
for they think he has lived too long already, and if he live any longer it
will be to do more mischief. They could not charge him with any capital
crime, but they wanted to have him out of the way. 3. He confesses the
prisoner's innocency; and it was much for the honour of Paul and his bonds
that he had such a public acknowledgement as this from the mouth of his
judge (v. 25): I found that he had committed nothing worthy of
death. Upon a full hearing of the case, it appeared there was no
evidence at all to support the indictment: and therefore, though he was
inclinable enough to favour the prosecutors, yet his own conscience brought
in Paul not guilty. And why did he not discharge him then, for he
stood upon his deliverance? Why, truly, because he was so much clamoured
against, and he feared the clamour would turn upon himself if he should
release him. It is a pity but every man that has a conscience should have
courage to act according to it. Or perhaps because there was so much smoke
that he concluded there could not but be some fire, which would appear at
last, and he would detain him a prisoner in expectation of it. 4. He
acquaints them with the present state of the case, that the prisoner had
appealed to the emperor himself (where by he put an honour upon his own
cause, as knowing it not unworthy the cognizance of the greatest of men),
and that he had admitted his appeal: I have determined to send him.
And thus the cause now stood. 5. He desires their assistance in examining
the matter calmly and impartially, now that there was no danger of their
being interrupted, as he had been with the noisiness and outrage of the
prosecutors-that he might have at least such an insight into the cause as
was necessary to his stating it to the emperor, v. 26, 27. (1.) He
thought it unreasonable to send a prisoner, especially so far as
Rome, and not withal to signify the crimes laid against him, that the
matter might be prepared as much as possible, and put in a readiness for the
emperor's determination; for he is supposed to be a man of great business,
and therefore every affair must be laid before him in as little compass as
possible. (2.) He could not as yet write any thing certain concerning
Paul; so confused were the informations that were given in against him, and
so inconsistent, that Festus could make nothing at all of them. He therefore
desired Paul might thus be publicly examined, that he might be advised by
them what to write. See what a great deal of trouble and vexation those were
put to, and to what delay, nay, and to what hazard, in the administration of
public justice, who live at such a distance from Rome, and yet were subject
to the emperor of Rome. The same was this nation of ours put to (which is
about as far distant from Rome the other way) when it was in ecclesiastical
affairs subject to the pope of Rome, and appeals were upon all occasions
made to his court; and the same mischiefs, and a thousand worse, would those
bring upon us who would again entangle us in that yoke of bondage.
